Günümüzde kentlerin ve dolayısıyla kentsel mekanların yaşadığı ve giderek artmakta olan sorunlar; özellikle hızla artan nüfus ve beraberinde gelen yoğun yapılaşma, çevre kirliliği, ekonomik güçlükler, sosyo-kültürel değişim vb. ana başlıklar altında toplanabilir. Kentlerin olumsuz büyüme ve gelişmeleri, toplumların yüzlerce yıllık birikim ve deneyiminin sonucunda sahip oldukları ve kentlerin genel karakterlerini kazanmalarında önemli rol oynayan tarihi-geleneksel çevreleri doğrudan etkilemektedir. Kuban'ın, toplum sadece bugünü ve yarını ile değil, bütün geçmişi ile tanınıyorsa, geçmişin en görkemli ve kesin görüntüsü bütün bir kent dokusunda yaşar, ve Özer'in, değişme, gelişme, yeni aşamalar, bir toplumun, sağlıklı bir toplumun kaçınılmaz yoludur. Ancak, bu yol geçmişimizin değerlerine eğilmeyi, onların yaratılmalarındaki bileşenleri gözden geçirmemeyi gerektirmez. Geçmişimizin ürünlerini, onların yaratılma ortamlarını açıklıkla ortaya koymak, üstelik gelecek için aydınlık bir yol bulmayı da kolaylaştırır, şeklindeki açıklamaları tarihi ve geleneksel çevrelerin önemini daha iyi vurgulamaktadırlar.

As a young reporter, Ernest Hemingway visited İstanbul and the Thracian part of Turkey between 29 September and 18 October 1922. During his stay, he closely followed the military and political consequences of the Great Offensive, which was a major stage in the Turkish War of Independence, and also witnessed at first hand the Greek evacuation of eastern Thrace. His impressions of the İstanbul under occupation and also his observations of the events and developments at the time were included in the short stories which he wrote later on. In his fictions, he described and represented his observations fronı a point of view which was against Mustafa Kemal and Turkey, and, since he wrote in a mood supportive of the Allies and their invading forces, he failed to grasp the principles of righteousness and national independence, upon which the Turkish War of Independence was fought. This article is a study, within the context of the Turkish War of Independence, of Hemingway's anti-Turkish attitude crystallized in his desriptions and fıctions related to Turkey.

Genelde azınlıklar ve özelde Ermeni meselesi, son iki yüzyıllık döneminde, Osmanlı Devleti'ni en çok uğraştıran iç ve dış sorunlardan biri olarak tarihte yerini almıştı. Zira, bu meseleyi bahane ederek Osmanlı Devleti'nin iç ve dışişlerine müdahale eden Avrupa devletleri azınlık halklarını kışkırtmak suretiyle son Türk imparatorluğunun dağılmasına sebep olmuşlardı. Yine aynı konu Türk Heyetinin Lozan Konferansı görüşmelerinde karşılaştığı en çetrefilli konulardan biri olmuştu. Bu çerçevede Misak-ı Milli sınırları içersinde Ermenilere bir yurt sağlanması konusu İngiliz Dışişleri Bakanı'nın tabiriyle Konferansın toplanmasının başlıca amaçlarından birini teşkil etmekteydi.

This article clarifies several points related to the Ottoman entry into the First World War. First, the Young Turk leaders mistrusted deeply Great Britain which had occupied Egypt in 1882, and appeared disposed to satisfy French and Italian ambitions at the Ottoman expense. Yet, most of the Unionists, not to speak of the public and Parliament, were opposed to war. Indeed, the British and French tacitly agreed to divide the Ottoman state. For this reason, Cemal paşa, a friend of the French, even tried to conclude an alliance with Paris but was unsuccesful. Second, the decision to enter the war came as the consequence of stiff German pressure upon the Unionists leadership and became immediately a fact after the fleet under admiral Souchon's command bombarded the Russian ports. Only four Unionist leaders at most were informed about the German plans to attack Russia. Leading Ottoman officials such as Kazım Karabekir, Hafız Hakkı and many others were against early Ottoman entry into the war. Most of them wanted to wait until spring so as to have time to complete the necessary preparations for the battlefield. Probably, if the Ottoman entry into the war had been postponed for six months or so, Istanbul would have not entered the war at all since by then the hopes for a quick German victory would have vanished. Indeed, after the German offensive in France was stalled at Marne the Unionists seemed to develop second thoughts about the wisdom of fighting on Berlin's side. Consequently, the German diplomatic mission in İstanbul increased its pressures on Enver paşa, who acceded to Kaiser's war demands, still under the illusion that a German victory was imminent. In sum, the Ottoman entry into the war was not the consequence of careful preparation and long debate in the Parliament (which was recessed) and press. It was the result of a hasty decision by a handful of elitist leaders who disregarded democratic procedures and lacked long range political vision and fell easy victim to German machinations and their own utopian expectations of recovering the lost territories in the Balkans. The Ottoman entry into war prolonged it for two years and allowed the Bolshevik revolution to incubate and then explode in 1917 which in turn impacted profoundly the twentieth century world history and the Republican Turkey.

When the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions appointed Cyrus Hamlin to Istanbul as a missionary, his immediate reaction was one of enthusiasm and joy but his rooted perception of the city was that it was a place "on the borders of civilization." However, the main concern of this paper is to decribe Hamlin's philanthropic achievements as a missionary educator both with reference to the modern theory of philanthropy and within the historical context of the American missionary work in Turkey in the nineteenth century.

In view of growing threat of the Axis powers, by the beginning of 1939 a security agreement with the Soviet Union came high on the list of Turkish priorities. Turkey would also co-operate with Britain in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Ankara proposed a triangular Turco-Anglo-Soviet relationship. Turkey sought to search for the illusive Soviet connection to parallel its signing of mutual assistance agreement with Britain on 12 May 1939. But the Germano-Soviet Non-aggression Pact of 23 August 1939 upset the entire international balance and put Turkey into a delicate position. Nonetheless Ankara still considered that arriving at an accord with Moscow would not be incompatible with its engagements towards the West. Saracoğlu's mission to Muscow in the autumn of 1939 failed because of Russia's attempts to unilaterally amend the Montreux Straits Convention and to draw Turkey away from the West. During Saracoğlu-Molotov talks, Kremlin endeavoured to obtain a foothold at the Straits in order at once prevent others from commanding the warm water approach to its Black Sea ports and to place itself in a position to exercise a hand in Mediterranean affairs. Relations between Turkey and Russia thus entered into a new period of mutual distrust and tension.

In August 1937 indiscriminate attacks upon merchant ships in the Mediterranean by unidentified submarines had begun. Most alarming for Turkey, some of these submarines were operating inside the Straits. On 10-14 September 1937 an international conference, on the initiative of Britain and France, was organised at Nyon for ending the existing state of insecurity in the Mediterranean. On 14 September, it was agreed that pirate submarines should be counter-attacked and destroyed. Turkey promised to provide bases for the patrolling vessels. Turks were also responsible for patrols in the Dardanelles. The outcome of the conference was welcomed by Atatürk, whereas İnönü's reaction was mixed. i.e. one of criticism and praise. Turkey, on Atatürk's instructions, co-operated fully in the international patrol set up by the conference to suppress pirate submarines. But İnönü showed caution over the agreement, apprehending about a war with Italy. The measures agreed upon at Nyon proved effective. Submarine piracy quickly disappeared. By its signature of the Nyon Agreement, Turkey stressed its interest in preserving the status quo and the principle of collective security. It was therefore drawn towards closer co-operation with Britain and France. The trend towards rapprochement was reciprocal, since these two countries also needed Turkey's co-operation.

Göçebelerin hâkimiyetini esas alan tarihçiler, M. S. 1000-1500 arasını "göçebe imparatorluklar çağı" olarak nitelendirir(1). Gerçekten bu dönemde göçebeler o kadar geniş bir coğrafyaya yayıldı ki, meskûn dünyada neredeyse ayak basmadık yer bırakmadılar. Batı Asya(2) ve Batı Asya'nın en uç uzantısı olan yarımada da bundan yoğun olarak etkilendi. Burada yaşanan değişim öylesine dikkat çekiciydi ki, bir süre sonra yarımada Latinler tarafından Turkia (Turcia) olarak adlandırıldı(3). Dolayısıyla bu coğrafyanın tarihinde, göçebe ve yarıgöçebe hayat süren Türkmenler ve onların oluşturdukları siyasî birlikler gözardı edilemeyecek kadar önemli bir yere sahiptir.

Although most frequent mention must be made of the political relations, the special emphasis in the article lays on the economic cooperation between Turkey and Germany. For commercial and financial factors played a key role in shaping the Turkish-German relations in the second half of the 1930s. Turkey came to view the dominant German grip over its economy with much anxiety and looked to other powers to assist it in breaking the Reichsmark shackle. In the political field, the dynamics of Turkish-German relations often led Germany to seek a formal relationship which Turkey, for reasons of its own, did not grant. Throughout the study Ankara's attitude vis-a-vis Berlin evaluated in terms of its position within wider Turkish diplomatic strategy.

Son yıllarda devletin de kabul ettiği "Dil Bayramı" kutlamalarında (13 Mayıs) yanlış bir değerlendirme görülmekte ve Türkiye Selçukluları döneminde Türkçe'nin resmi dil olarak Karamanoğlu Mehmed Bey (1261-1278) tarafından gerçekleştirildiği ifade edilmektedir. Nitekim "Dil Bayramı" kutlamalarında gerek medyada ve yazılı metinlerde, gerek ders kitaplarında bu şekilde açıklamalar yapılmaktadır. Peki bu durum nasıl ortaya çıkmıştır veya bu konudaki değerlendirmeyi kim başlatmıştır?